Pedro Fierro

Pedro Fierro

Publications

Democracy, Deliberation, and Media: The Role of Incidental Exposure and News Consumption

Published in Media and Communication, 2025

This study examines the relation between news consumption and fostering public deliberation within democratic systems. Drawing on Jürgen Habermas’s concepts of understanding orientation (consensus-oriented, communicative rationality) and strategic orientation (goal-oriented, instrumental rationality), it explores how news media can either facilitate rational communication in public debates or, alternatively, encourage strategic interventions. To investigate these relationships, this study utilizes a survey in Chile (N = 903) conducted under the supervision of the Millennium Nucleus for the Study of Politics, Public Opinion, and Media (Nucleo MEPOP) between August and September 2022. The findings reveal that traditional media and social media are significantly and positively associated with a strategic orientation, whereas exposure to digital media is negatively associated with such an orientation. Additionally, incidental exposure emerges as a key factor in shaping the relationship between media consumption and deliberative predispositions. This article contributes to the understanding of classical approaches to the study of deliberation in the digital contemporary context, where homophily, polarization, and confrontation have emerged as significant challenges for both developing and established democracies.

Recommended citation: Scherman, A., Fierro, P., & Shan, Y. (2025). Democracy, Deliberation, and Media: The Role of Incidental Exposure and News Consumption. Media and Communication, 13, Article 9959. https://doi.org/10.17645/mac.9959 https://www.cogitatiopress.com/mediaandcommunication/article/view/9959

How different patterns of online participation reflect internal, external, and online efficacy: the case of Chile

Published in Information, Communication & Society, 2025

Recent research extensively examines the impact of political efficacy on online and offline political engagement, but those studies often overlook the multifaceted types of political engagement. This study addresses this gap by investigating the association between internal, external, and online political efficacy with the different types of online political engagement, using Chile as a case study. Using Latent Class Analysis, we identify five patterns of online political participants (clicktivist, super, disengaged, selective, and expressive citizens). Subsequently, we explore the relationship between internal, external, and online political efficacy with the five patterns of online participants. Multinomial logistic regressions reveal that internal efficacy exhibits no significant relationship with online political participation. In turn, external efficacy is associated with a higher probability of being a super and expressive citizen, and online efficacy is associated with a higher probability of being a super, expressive, or clicktivist citizen. These findings shed light on the complex relationship between political efficacy and online political engagement, highlighting the impact of measurement choices on the observed relationship between these variables in prior studies.

Recommended citation: Rivera, S., Fierro, P., Santos, M., Tagle, F., & Navia, P. (2025). How different patterns of online participation reflect internal, external, and online efficacy: the case of Chile. Information, Communication & Society, 28(8), 1480–1498. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2025.2452285 https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1369118X.2025.2452285

Abandoned Places in the Digital Era: Spatial Roots of Disaffection and the Internet’s Role in Inclusion

Published in SpringerBriefs in Regional Science, 2025

This book explores the spatial and contextual factors behind citizens anger, frustration, and sense of abandonment, alongside the role of digital platforms in politically marginalized areas. It shifts the focus from voting geography to the geography of discontent, offering a new perspective on digital inequalities. The study addresses the complexities of “left-behind” places, recognizing that patterns of decline in developed countries differ from those in developing nations, where political and cultural dynamics play a key role. Using Chiles Valparaíso region as a case study, the book applies its framework to a context characterized by a strong party system, robust institutions, and high Internet penetration. Chile’s recent political crisis, marked by widespread dissatisfaction, makes this analysis particularly relevant. Valparaíso, with its unique role as the host of the National Congress and as a focal point of the 2019 social uprising, serves as a microcosm for understanding the spatial dimensions of political discontent in digitally connected societies.

Recommended citation: Fierro, P., P. Aroca, & P. Navia (2025). Abandoned Places in the Digital Era: Spatial Roots of Disaffection and the Internet’s Role in Inclusion. SpringerBriefs in Regional Science. Publisher: Springer Nature (Book). https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-81873-8 https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-031-81873-8

Feeling the Split: Territorial Divide and Political Emotions in the Chilean Constituent Processes (2022-2023)

Published in Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space, 2025

This study analyses the influence of territorial marginalisation in shaping negative political emotions. Focusing on the Chilean Constituent Processes of 2022 and 2023, the research examines two waves of face-to-face surveys conducted in the Chilean region of Valparaíso, with a combined sample size of 3324. The findings reveal that individuals living in urban areas distant from the political centre exhibit markedly negative emotions towards the proceedings of the constitutional conventions. Employing a discrete emotions methodology, the analysis indicates a higher likelihood of intensified feelings of untrust, uncertainty, and confusion among residents of peripheral areas in relation to both constituent processes, the first linked to the left-wing and the second to the right-wing. Therefore, the results make two significant contributions to the field. First, it broadens the scope of research on the geography of discontent, which has traditionally focused on voting patterns, by demonstrating that territorial disparities affect underlying elements such as feelings and attitudes. In a context marked by intense centralisation, this research uniquely highlights territorial division as the sole consistently negative emotive factor throughout both processes, maintaining its significance and direction. Secondly, the study illuminates potential factors shaping public perception during a pivotal societal moment in Chile. This country holds a unique distinction in the global context for having rejected two distinct constitutional proposals via plebiscite, marking an exceptional event in the realms of political transformation and civic participation. Regrettably, territorial context is often overlooked as an influential element in public discourse.

Recommended citation: Fierro, P. (2025). Feeling the split: Territorial divide and political emotions in the Chilean constituent processes (2022–2023). Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544251349295 https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/23996544251349295

The effects of marginalisation in areas of high political centralisation

Published in Territory, Politics, Governance, 2025

Recent research indicates the existence of ‘places that don’t matter’, where residents harbour feelings of abandonment, prompting a tilt towards anti-system narratives. Yet, the effects of territorial marginalisation extend beyond voting behaviour, influencing deeper underlying factors. Utilising data from 9924 cases in the region of Valparaiso in Chile, this study reveals that living in politically marginalised cities in contexts of high political centralisation correlates with reduced political knowledge and internal political efficacy, even when accounting for other sociodemographic characteristics. By focusing on territorial marginalisation, this analysis offers a fresh perspective on the interplay between individual sociodemographic characteristics and political engagement.

Recommended citation: Fierro, P., Rivera, S., & Brieba, D. (2025). The effects of marginalisation in areas of high political centralisation. Territory, Politics, Governance, 1–24. https://doi.org/10.1080/21622671.2024.2435888 https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/21622671.2024.2435888?src=

Geographies of discontent: measuring and understanding the feeling of abandonment in the Chilean region of Valparaiso (2019–2021)

Published in Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society, 2024

Political discontent, frequently mirrored in voting patterns, extends beyond ballot votes. By focusing on Valparaiso, Chile, we introduce a more comprehensive measure, external political efficacy (EPE), capturing a sense of abandonment and gauging public sentiment towards the political system’s responsiveness to their needs. Our analysis addresses individual and area-level factors underpinning individual variations in EPE. The evidence suggests that long-term territorial socio-economic disadvantage, rather than low-paid employment, is significantly related to individual discontent, highlighting lowered beliefs in system responsiveness.

Recommended citation: P. Fierro, I. Aravena-González P. Aroca and F. Rowe (2024). "Geographies of discontent: measuring and understanding the feeling of abandonment in the Chilean region of Valparaiso (2019–2021)" Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society. 0(0). https://academic.oup.com/cjres/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/cjres/rsae004/7606266?redirectedFrom=fulltext

Fund Distribution and Incentives for Territorial Fragmentation. The Case of the FNDR in Chile

Published in EURE-Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios Urbano Regionales, 2024

This study analyzes the National Fund for Regional Development (FNDR), the principal policy for territorial development and compensation in Chile. It identifies three design issues that hinder its purpose. Firstly, it is shown that the distribution criteria result in investment centralization in regions with higher demographic concentration. Secondly, the evidence suggests that the FNDR promotes regional fragmentation, as it increases the relative percentage in the allocation of the original territory following the division of territories. Finally, it is demonstrated that discretion in fund allocation at the intra-regional level generates additional incentives for fragmentation, as it favors distribution in the larger municipalities of each territory.

Recommended citation: P. Aroca, E. Mundt and P. Fierro (Forthcoming). "Fund Distribution and Incentives for Territorial Fragmentation. The Case of the FNDR in Chile." Accepted for publication in EURE-Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios Urbano Regionales. 0(0). https://www.eure.cl/index.php/eure/article/view/4942

Political Disaffection in the Digital Age: The Use of Social Media and the Gap in Internal and External Efficacy

Published in Social Science Computer Review, 2023

This work analyzes the relationship between social media use and the development of internal and external political efficacy, using five 1,650-person polls conducted in 2017–2021 in the 10 most populated municipalities of in the Valparaiso Region in Chile, a country characterized by high levels of political discontent and social protests, especially in 2019. With Structural Equation Models, we report positive impacts of different magnitudes of the civic use of social media on internal and external efficacy and no effect of the non-civic use of social media on either type of efficacy. As lower internal and external political efficacy feeds political disaffection, the differentiated use of social media can deepen the gap between engaged and disaffected citizens.

Recommended citation: Fierro, P., P. Aroca and P. Navia (2023). "Political Disaffection in the Digital Age: The Use of Social Media and the Gap in Internal and External Efficacy." Social Science Computer Review. 0(0). https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/08944393221087940

The center-periphery cleavage and online political efficacy (OPE): Territorial and democratic divide in Chile, 2018–2020

Published in New Media & Society, 2023

Recent works have coined the term Online Political Efficacy (OPE) to assess the impact of Internet use on the perceived political empowerment of citizens. As the classic concept of political efficacy distinguishes between internal (IPE) and external (EPE) efficacies, we seek to confirm the usefulness of a new indicator of political efficacy for online engagement and assess the impact of the territory where people reside on OPE. Although OPE is mostly explained by the same determinants that account for IPE, the center-periphery divide influences OPE and IPE in opposite directions. Those who reside in the territorial—and political—periphery believe more strongly that they can use Internet to participate in public affairs (OPE), though they do not feel more competent in doing so (IPE). The democratizing power of Internet helps bridge the center-periphery social and political territorial divide.

Recommended citation: Fierro, P., P. Aroca and P. Navia (2023). "The center-periphery cleavage and online political efficacy (OPE): Territorial and democratic divide in Chile, 2018–2020." New Media & Society. 0(0). https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/14614448211019303?journalCode=nmsa

How people access the internet and the democratic divide: Evidence from the Chilean region of Valparaiso 2017, 2018 and 2019

Published in Thechnology in Society, 2020

The Internet has been often described as a tool that fosters the inclusion of traditionally marginalized people in the democratic process. Yet, if the type of device used by people to access the Internet impacts their online democratic engagement, uneven Internet penetration and differences in the devices used by social groups will result in a deeper democratic divide. After discussing the impact of the types of internet use and type of access devices on civic engagement, we postulate 3 hypotheses on how democratic values and type of access to the Internet—place and devices—are related to the civic use of social media. We use data from a Valparaíso Regional poll in Chile in 2017, 2018 and 2019 to test those hypotheses. People who access the Internet via mobile phones are less likely to use social media with a civic purpose, while those who access the Internet at home or work are more likely to do so. Since low-income sectors primarily access the Internet via mobile phones while higher income groups have a wider array of Internet connection options, the rapid growth of cell phone use for accessing the Internet risks deepening social and income gaps in civic engagement.

Recommended citation: Fierro, P., P. Aroca and P. Navia (2020). "How people access the internet and the democratic divide: Evidence from the Chilean region of Valparaiso 2017, 2018 and 2019." Technology in Society. 101432. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0160791X20306138?via%3Dihub

Measuring Political Attitudes in New Democracies: The Case of Chile

Published in Communication & Society, 2018

The aim of this work is to analyze three political attitudes: internal efficacy, external efficacy, and political interest, as variables that can explain people’s disaffection. We aim to determine the impact of short-term and sociodemographic variables on these three political attitudes in the context of Chile. A survey, carried out by GFK-Adimark between March 3, 2016 and April 6, 2016, was used to answer our main research questions. In the survey, 1,651 inhabitants participated from the Chilean region of Valparaiso. Using this data, a hierarchical multivariate analysis was used for each attitude studied. In these terms, our results suggest that education and previous participation explain internal efficacy and political interest, but not external efficacy. Additionally, gender explains the perception of self-competence but not political interest. On the other hand, the perception of corruption is not related to any of the three political attitudes analyzed. These results are in line with the idea that political attitudes are stable variables not related to short-term variables. Although political malaise is usually studied by scholars, their work is normally considered under the conditions of a consolidated systems. In this framework, the Chilean data presented is going to help us understand the behavior of political attitudes in new democracies.

Recommended citation: Fierro, P. and Guerrero-Solé, F. (2018). "Measuring Political Attitudes in New Democracies: The Case of Chile." Communication & Society. 31(3). https://revistas.unav.edu/index.php/communication-and-society/article/view/35692

Theoretical Approaches About the Role of Electoral Advertising in a Context of Political Malaise

Published in Revista de Comunicación, 2017

We are going to develop a theoretical frame to understand the role that campaigns would have in a context of political malaise. Considering the multidimensionality of the discontent, we are going to conceive the disaffection like the component more related with what Putnam & Goss called ‘the previous conditions for an effective democracy’. Taking into account the results of other studies surrounding the democratic effects of the campaigns, we will suggest that the electoral advertising could help us to improve the civic sense of the citizens from an attitudinal dimension, strengthening our democracies.

Recommended citation: Fierro, P. and A. Azurmendi (2017). "Theoretical Approaches About the Role of Electoral Advertising in a Context of Political Malaise." Revista de Comunicación. 16(2). https://revistadecomunicacion.com/en/articulos/2017_2/4_Art.html

Political Campaigns and Public Disaffection: An Approach from Chile to the Effects of Electoral Activities in the Democratic Process

Published in Palabra Clave, 2016

The growing political disaffection ―shown in polls and opinion polls― ap-pears to be shared by different countries, where Chile has not been left out of phenomenon. In this context can they analyze the electoral campaigns as tools that contribute in solving this problem? Addressing this question requires a different model of thinking when electoral processes, with the consequent emergence of new questions that go beyond mere electoral par-ticipation. In this sense, much of the literature has discussed the real impact of campaigns in the decision to vote and in the direction of that preference. However, interest has not been the same with respect to the effects of the campaigns in the democratic process in its broadest sense and the current scenario requires strengthening the edge. In this research, it precisely seeks an emphasis on the latter, trying to identify and rescue the role campaigns in strengthening democracy and reduce political disaffection. To recons-truct a historical review of the campaigns we reach the concept of ‘political efficacy’, which we will use as a conceptual basis for theoretical soundness to analyze the current state of Chile. Finally, the effects that the campaign may have on the level of political efficacy will be highlighted, allowing us to know, with comparative evidence specifically the potential role that this activity would have in strengthening Chilean democracy.

Recommended citation: López-Hermida Russo, A. P. and Fierro-Zamora, P. (2016). "Campañas políticas y desafección ciudadana: aproximación desde Chile a los efectos de las actividades electorales en el proceso democrático." Palabra Clave. 19(2). https://palabraclave.unisabana.edu.co/index.php/palabraclave/article/view/5524/pdf