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Social Capital and Voting Behaviour in the United States
Social capital has traditionally been viewed as a fundamental driver of democratic vitality. However, since the late-20th century, it has been suggested that social capital may also have adverse effects, potentially fostering totalitarian and populist ideologies. This paper examines the political implications of two different types of social capital —bonding social capital and bridging social capital—, using the 2016 and 2020 U.S. presidential elections as a case study. By examining at the county level, we find that the relation between social capital and antisystem voting behaviour is contingent upon the type of social capital involved. Bonding social capital, characterised by close-knit, homogeneous networks, is positively correlated with antisystem behaviours, as proxied by the additional electoral support for Donald Trump. In contrast, bridging social capital, which involves connections across diverse social groups, shows a negative correlation. Furthermore, our analysis reveals a complex interaction between economic and demographic changes, social integration, and political tendencies in a period of economic transition. These findings underscore the multifaceted nature of social capital and its critical role in understanding its origins and effects.
Feeling the Split: Territorial Divide and Political Emotions in the Chilean Constituent Processes (2022-2023)
This study analyses the influence of territorial marginalisationin shaping negative political emotions. Focusingon the Chilean Constituent Processes of 2022 and 2023, the research examinestwo waves of face-to-face surveys conducted in the Valparaíso region of Chile, with a combined sample size of 3,324. The findings reveal that individuals living in urban areas distant from the political centreexhibit markedly negative emotions towards the proceedings of the constitutional conventions. Employing a discrete emotions methodology, the analysis indicates a higher likelihood of intensified feelings of distrust, uncertainty, and confusion among residents of peripheral areas in relation to both constituent processes, the first linked to the left-wing and the second to the right-wing.Therefore, the resultsmake two significant contributions to the field. First, it broadens the scope of research on the geography of discontent, which has traditionally focused on voting patterns, by demonstrating that territorial disparities affect underlying elements such as feelings and attitudes. In a context marked by intense centralisation, this research uniquely highlights territorial division as the sole consistently negative emotive factor throughout both processes, maintaining its significance and direction. Secondly, the study illuminates potential factors shaping public perception during a pivotal societal moment in Chile. This country holds a unique distinction in the global context for having rejected two distinct constitutional proposals via plebiscite, marking an exceptional event in the realms of political transformation and civic participation. Regrettably, spatial and geographical dimensions are often overlooked as influential elements in public discourse.
Identifying gatekeepers in the allocation of public funds: a spatial econometric analysis
This paper examines the role of spatial and political factors in the allocation of discretionary public goods, contributing notably to the study of distributive politics in two ways. First, the concept of proximity is redefined by incorporating a political dimension into the spatial neighborhood matrix, thus extending traditional method- ologies of spatial econometrics. Second, the application of this method in the Chilean context reveals that senators, as opposed to local authorities, are the principal gate- keepers in the allocation of non-programmatic resources. This finding is significant, overshadowing factors such as poverty, population size, and the alignment of mayors with the central government. Given the substantial political capital held by senators, the results indicate that political hierarchy plays a crucial role in influencing resource distribution.
Marginalisation and Engagement: Exploring Political Knowledge and Self-Competence Beliefs in Neglected Areas
Recent research indicates the existence of “places that don’t matter”, where residents often harbour feelings of abandonment, prompting a tilt towards anti-establishment, populist, or nationalist narratives. Yet, the effects of territorial marginalisation extend beyond mere voting behaviour, influencing deeper underlying factors. Utilising data from 9,924 cases in the Valparaíso region of Chile, this study reveals that living in politically marginalised cities correlates with reduced political knowledge and internal political efficacy, even when accounting for relevant sociodemographic and other variables. By focusing on territorial marginalisation, this analysis offers a fresh perspective on the interplay between individual sociodemographic characteristics and political engagement.
How Different Patterns of Online Participation Reflect Internal, External, and Online Efficacy: The Case of Chile
Recent research extensively examines the impact of political efficacy on online and offline civic engagement, but those studies often overlook the multifaceted types of civic engagement. This study addresses this gap by investigating the association between internal, external, and online political efficacy with the different types of online civic engagement, using Chile as a case study. Using Latent Class Analysis, we identify five patterns of online political participants (clicktivist, super, disengaged, selective, and expressive citizens). Subsequently, we explore the relationship between internal, external, and online political efficacy with the five patterns of online participants. Multinomial logistic regressions reveal that internal efficacy exhibits no significant relationship with online political participation. In turn, external efficacy is associated with a higher probability of being a super and expressive citizen, and online efficacy is associated with a higher probability of being a super, expressive, or clicktivist citizen. These findings shed light on the complex relationship between political efficacy and online civic engagement, highlighting the impact of measurement choices on the observed relationship between these variables in prior studies.
Measuring Frustration and Resentment in Politics: The Case of Chile 2017-2022
Political malaise and political attitudes have been highly studied for the last 60 years. Currently, however, there is a renewed interest in understanding the phenomenon through different disciplines. The rise of populist and nationalist narratives in consolidated and emergent democracies has justified studies about underlying individual and territorial elements. Thus, it is usually stated that those citizens who live in certain places—that have experienced an economic decline—are more likely to feel anger and powerless, which impact electoral preferences. In this context, our work offers a methodological proposal to study this phenomenon. Using 9,900 face-to-face cases collected between 2017 and 2022 in the Chilean region of Valparaiso, we build two variables to distinguish between the feeling flow (frustration) and the accumulative sentiment (resentment) in political disaffection. Thus, this paper seeks to contribute to the literature by identifying in a better way the different elements of malaise, including the temporal dimension. At the same time, this contribution would help us to determine some tools to face this phenomenon.
publications
Political Campaigns and Public Disaffection: An Approach from Chile to the Effects of Electoral Activities in the Democratic Process
Published in Palabra Clave, 2016
The growing political disaffection ―shown in polls and opinion polls― ap-pears to be shared by different countries, where Chile has not been left out of phenomenon. In this context can they analyze the electoral campaigns as tools that contribute in solving this problem? Addressing this question requires a different model of thinking when electoral processes, with the consequent emergence of new questions that go beyond mere electoral par-ticipation. In this sense, much of the literature has discussed the real impact of campaigns in the decision to vote and in the direction of that preference. However, interest has not been the same with respect to the effects of the campaigns in the democratic process in its broadest sense and the current scenario requires strengthening the edge. In this research, it precisely seeks an emphasis on the latter, trying to identify and rescue the role campaigns in strengthening democracy and reduce political disaffection. To recons-truct a historical review of the campaigns we reach the concept of ‘political efficacy’, which we will use as a conceptual basis for theoretical soundness to analyze the current state of Chile. Finally, the effects that the campaign may have on the level of political efficacy will be highlighted, allowing us to know, with comparative evidence specifically the potential role that this activity would have in strengthening Chilean democracy.
Recommended citation: López-Hermida Russo, A. P. and Fierro-Zamora, P. (2016). "Campañas políticas y desafección ciudadana: aproximación desde Chile a los efectos de las actividades electorales en el proceso democrático." Palabra Clave. 19(2). https://palabraclave.unisabana.edu.co/index.php/palabraclave/article/view/5524/pdf
Theoretical Approaches About the Role of Electoral Advertising in a Context of Political Malaise
Published in Revista de Comunicación, 2017
We are going to develop a theoretical frame to understand the role that campaigns would have in a context of political malaise. Considering the multidimensionality of the discontent, we are going to conceive the disaffection like the component more related with what Putnam & Goss called ‘the previous conditions for an effective democracy’. Taking into account the results of other studies surrounding the democratic effects of the campaigns, we will suggest that the electoral advertising could help us to improve the civic sense of the citizens from an attitudinal dimension, strengthening our democracies.
Recommended citation: Fierro, P. and A. Azurmendi (2017). "Theoretical Approaches About the Role of Electoral Advertising in a Context of Political Malaise." Revista de Comunicación. 16(2). https://revistadecomunicacion.com/en/articulos/2017_2/4_Art.html
Measuring Political Attitudes in New Democracies: The Case of Chile
Published in Communication & Society, 2018
The aim of this work is to analyze three political attitudes: internal efficacy, external efficacy, and political interest, as variables that can explain people’s disaffection. We aim to determine the impact of short-term and sociodemographic variables on these three political attitudes in the context of Chile. A survey, carried out by GFK-Adimark between March 3, 2016 and April 6, 2016, was used to answer our main research questions. In the survey, 1,651 inhabitants participated from the Chilean region of Valparaiso. Using this data, a hierarchical multivariate analysis was used for each attitude studied. In these terms, our results suggest that education and previous participation explain internal efficacy and political interest, but not external efficacy. Additionally, gender explains the perception of self-competence but not political interest. On the other hand, the perception of corruption is not related to any of the three political attitudes analyzed. These results are in line with the idea that political attitudes are stable variables not related to short-term variables. Although political malaise is usually studied by scholars, their work is normally considered under the conditions of a consolidated systems. In this framework, the Chilean data presented is going to help us understand the behavior of political attitudes in new democracies.
Recommended citation: Fierro, P. and Guerrero-Solé, F. (2018). "Measuring Political Attitudes in New Democracies: The Case of Chile." Communication & Society. 31(3). https://revistas.unav.edu/index.php/communication-and-society/article/view/35692
How people access the internet and the democratic divide: Evidence from the Chilean region of Valparaiso 2017, 2018 and 2019
Published in Thechnology in Society, 2020
The Internet has been often described as a tool that fosters the inclusion of traditionally marginalized people in the democratic process. Yet, if the type of device used by people to access the Internet impacts their online democratic engagement, uneven Internet penetration and differences in the devices used by social groups will result in a deeper democratic divide. After discussing the impact of the types of internet use and type of access devices on civic engagement, we postulate 3 hypotheses on how democratic values and type of access to the Internet—place and devices—are related to the civic use of social media. We use data from a Valparaíso Regional poll in Chile in 2017, 2018 and 2019 to test those hypotheses. People who access the Internet via mobile phones are less likely to use social media with a civic purpose, while those who access the Internet at home or work are more likely to do so. Since low-income sectors primarily access the Internet via mobile phones while higher income groups have a wider array of Internet connection options, the rapid growth of cell phone use for accessing the Internet risks deepening social and income gaps in civic engagement.
Recommended citation: Fierro, P., P. Aroca and P. Navia (2020). "How people access the internet and the democratic divide: Evidence from the Chilean region of Valparaiso 2017, 2018 and 2019." Technology in Society. 101432. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0160791X20306138?via%3Dihub
The center-periphery cleavage and online political efficacy (OPE): Territorial and democratic divide in Chile, 2018–2020
Published in New Media & Society, 2023
Recent works have coined the term Online Political Efficacy (OPE) to assess the impact of Internet use on the perceived political empowerment of citizens. As the classic concept of political efficacy distinguishes between internal (IPE) and external (EPE) efficacies, we seek to confirm the usefulness of a new indicator of political efficacy for online engagement and assess the impact of the territory where people reside on OPE. Although OPE is mostly explained by the same determinants that account for IPE, the center-periphery divide influences OPE and IPE in opposite directions. Those who reside in the territorial—and political—periphery believe more strongly that they can use Internet to participate in public affairs (OPE), though they do not feel more competent in doing so (IPE). The democratizing power of Internet helps bridge the center-periphery social and political territorial divide.
Recommended citation: Fierro, P., P. Aroca and P. Navia (2023). "The center-periphery cleavage and online political efficacy (OPE): Territorial and democratic divide in Chile, 2018–2020." New Media & Society. 0(0). https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/14614448211019303?journalCode=nmsa
Political Disaffection in the Digital Age: The Use of Social Media and the Gap in Internal and External Efficacy
Published in Social Science Computer Review, 2023
This work analyzes the relationship between social media use and the development of internal and external political efficacy, using five 1,650-person polls conducted in 2017–2021 in the 10 most populated municipalities of in the Valparaiso Region in Chile, a country characterized by high levels of political discontent and social protests, especially in 2019. With Structural Equation Models, we report positive impacts of different magnitudes of the civic use of social media on internal and external efficacy and no effect of the non-civic use of social media on either type of efficacy. As lower internal and external political efficacy feeds political disaffection, the differentiated use of social media can deepen the gap between engaged and disaffected citizens.
Recommended citation: Fierro, P., P. Aroca and P. Navia (2023). "Political Disaffection in the Digital Age: The Use of Social Media and the Gap in Internal and External Efficacy." Social Science Computer Review. 0(0). https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/08944393221087940
Fund Distribution and Incentives for Territorial Fragmentation. The Case of the FNDR in Chile
Published in EURE-Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios Urbano Regionales, 2024
This study analyzes the National Fund for Regional Development (FNDR), the principal policy for territorial development and compensation in Chile. It identifies three design issues that hinder its purpose. Firstly, it is shown that the distribution criteria result in investment centralization in regions with higher demographic concentration. Secondly, the evidence suggests that the FNDR promotes regional fragmentation, as it increases the relative percentage in the allocation of the original territory following the division of territories. Finally, it is demonstrated that discretion in fund allocation at the intra-regional level generates additional incentives for fragmentation, as it favors distribution in the larger municipalities of each territory.
Recommended citation: P. Aroca, E. Mundt and P. Fierro (Forthcoming). "Fund Distribution and Incentives for Territorial Fragmentation. The Case of the FNDR in Chile." Accepted for publication in EURE-Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios Urbano Regionales. 0(0). https://www.eure.cl/index.php/eure/article/view/4942
Geographies of discontent: measuring and understanding the feeling of abandonment in the Chilean region of Valparaiso (2019–2021)
Published in Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society, 2024
Political discontent, frequently mirrored in voting patterns, extends beyond ballot votes. By focusing on Valparaiso, Chile, we introduce a more comprehensive measure, external political efficacy (EPE), capturing a sense of abandonment and gauging public sentiment towards the political system’s responsiveness to their needs. Our analysis addresses individual and area-level factors underpinning individual variations in EPE. The evidence suggests that long-term territorial socio-economic disadvantage, rather than low-paid employment, is significantly related to individual discontent, highlighting lowered beliefs in system responsiveness.
Recommended citation: P. Fierro, I. Aravena-González P. Aroca and F. Rowe (2024). "Geographies of discontent: measuring and understanding the feeling of abandonment in the Chilean region of Valparaiso (2019–2021)" Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society. 0(0). https://academic.oup.com/cjres/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/cjres/rsae004/7606266?redirectedFrom=fulltext
talks
Conference Proceeding talk 3 on Relevant Topic in Your Field
This is a description of your conference proceedings talk, note the different field in type. You can put anything in this field.
Political Opinion Survey in Chilean Region of Valparaíso (2015 - 2023)
This survey encompasses 10 cities within the Valparaiso Region of Chile. It gauges citizens’ perspectives on various topics, including: familiarity with authorities, national reforms, transparency and accountability, citizen participation, and the role of media. Primarily, the survey serves as a platform for citizens to assess their local officials, thereby fostering accountability and strengthening local democracy.
teaching
Regional Life Quality Survey (2014-2023)
Survey, P!ensa Foundation, 2023
Its universe covers 7 urban provinces from the Valparaiso region and evaluates 8 dimensions concerning public policy: Work, education, public security, health services, public transport, urban equipment, housing, and life satisfaction. The data collected is used to create an index which, on a scale from 0 to a 1000, evaluates state’s service benefits. Above all, it has allowed both citizens and their rulers to become acquainted with the progress of life quality in the Valparaiso Region, Chile.
Regional Political Opinion Survey (2015-2024)
Survey Data, P!ensa Foundation, 2023
This survey encompasses 10 cities within the Valparaiso Region of Chile. It gauges citizens’ perspectives on various topics, including: familiarity with authorities, national reforms, transparency and accountability, citizen participation, and the role of media. Primarily, the survey serves as a platform for citizens to assess their local officials, thereby fostering accountability and strengthening local democracy.
Replication Data for: How people access the internet (…)
Data and Codes, Published Article, 2023
Data and codes for replicating the study “How People Access the Internet and the Democratic Divide: Evidence from the Chilean Region of Valparaíso 2017, 2018, and 2019” are available. This study was published in the journal Technology and Society.
Comprehensive Overview of Political Opinion Surveys in Chile’s Valparaíso Region (2018-2024)
Data and Codes, Chile, 2024
This dataset and corresponding R code encompass the integration of Political Opinion Surveys (P!ensa) conducted from 2018 to 2024. The study includes over 11,000 face-to-face interviews, collected across the ten major cities in the Valparaíso region of Chile. The dataset contains a wide array of variables such as political participation, political interest, political efficacy, perceptions and satisfaction with democracy, trust in institutions, perceptions of corruption, along with various sociodemographic factors.